Workers International League-NYC

Official tumblr for the NYC branch of the Workers International League. The WIL stands in complete political solidarity with the International Marxist Tendency.

The Workers International League is an organization born in the internet age, and is excited by every new technology. However, the internet can only play the limited role of helping us proliferate in an age of increased dependence on the virtual. Comrades meet face-to-face weekly. If you are serious about struggling for the socialist transformation of society, meet us. If you are in NYC and would like to attend one of our meetings email us. If you are elsewhere please use the contact us page on the Socialist Appeal website.

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People had hope for a better future and that created a blissful atmosphere and relatively prosperous societies. Now that optimism in life in Europe seems to have evaporated. People have lost hope in a future that promises only a grim life. A social malaise has set in. It is astonishing that this situation has developed in the aftermath of the collapse of the USSR, Eastern European Socialism and the capitalist restoration in China. After these events the bourgeoisie gained access to a huge market of more than two billion. At that time in the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, there was euphoria amongst the strategists of capital. The bourgeoisie on a world scale were dizzy with success. Yet it has turned out to be a hoax.

Dialectally it turned into its opposite and today we see capitalism mired in its most severe crisis, unprecedented in its 200-years history. This exposes the historical redundancy and the organic sickness of capitalism. Even with such a massive expansion of the market, it has failed to develop society and improve the living standards of the working class even in the advanced countries. The growth we saw in the last 20 to 30 years was through a greater labour intensive mechanism where all or most members of the household were working, many workers working overtime and of course, a gigantic expansion of credit.

The huge bubbles of speculative investment in housing, InfoTech, petroleum products and others sectors have now burst. But what triggered the crash of 2008 was the overextension of credit that accumulated in the corporate sector and through personal loans in the previous three decades. The banking default in 2007 led to the sovereign default in 2010. Ever since the economies of most European countries and the US have been reeling from a chronic crisis with no end in sight.

"On December 16, 2012 Jyoti Singh Panday along with a male friend boarded a bus in South Delhi. When Jyoti and her friend boarded the bus, they expected to be transported to their destination. They could not have known of the horror that was awaiting them. The victim, Jyoti, was gang raped and brutally tortured by a group of six men in the bus. Jyoti and her friend were then thrown out of the moving bus and she was taken to hospital in a critical condition. She was later flown to Singapore for better treatment but unfortunately she died there on December 29."

Angry public protests followed the gang rape incident. On December 21 thousands of protesters marched in Delhi. They were met with heavy handed police repression including baton charges, water cannon, tear gas and arrests. Protests were also held in Kolkata and Bangalore. After her death the protests spread all over India including Kolkata, Chennai, Bangalore, Hyderabad, Thiruvananthapuram, Mumbai and Visakhapatnam. The government used road blocks and closed down many train stations to stop the protestors from gathering. The main demands of the protests include the provision of speedy justice and legislation and the implementation of stricter laws regarding crimes against women. Most of the protesters were young people, including many women.

The protests were also an expression of the anger and hatred that youth of India has against the corrupt Government and the system. A judicial commission has been set up by the government to investigate the incident. According to Finance Minister P. Chidambaram the commission “will look into the incident, identify lapses on the part of the police or any other authority and fix responsibility for such lapses and negligence”.

In reality this horrendous rape has yet again exposed the real barbarity ravaging Indian society beneath the shiny veneer of economic growth. Crimes like the rape of the 23-year-old physiotherapy intern are nothing new in India. Days after this crime was committed a woman was raped in the Punjab by seven men under very similar circumstances. In fact, there was a two-fold increase in the number of rape cases between 1990 and 2008.

Official figures show that last year 228,650 of 256,329 violent crimes had women as victims but this is most likely an underestimated figure, as only about 10% of rape cases are ever reported. Delhi is said to be the rape capital of the world. It is estimated that more than ten million Dalit (lower cast) women have been raped and the security forces too use it as a weapon against people particularly in areas like Kashmir and the so-called Red Corridor, where the Naxalite guerrilla insurgency is based. In India a woman is raped every 20 minutes.

Marx wrote “Social progress can be measured exactly by the social position of the fair sex”. According to a UN report India is the fourth worst country for women in the world. The plight of Indian women and girls begins even before they are born. More than ten million female foetuses have been aborted and more than 500,000 girls are lost through sex selective abortions every year. Women are just 26.1% of all rural workers, and just 13.8% of all urban workforces. On average they are paid 62% of men’s wages for equal work in a country where 69% live on less than $2 a day.

The rate of growth of the GDP fell steeply in 2011-2012 to around 5.3%. Economic forecasts for 2013 are also not very promising. The high growth rates of the past of around 9% have meant nothing but more misery for the Indian masses. A growing middle class has benefited from economic growth, while a billion Indians have been pushed further into the dark pit of misery and poverty

The explosion of protest demonstrations against this gruesome crime was caught the rulers of India unawares. Lately, India has seen many movements of the so-called “civil society”, from right-wing Anna Hazarae’s hunger strike to that of cartoonist Aseem Trivedi, but the spontaneity and determination of these protests caught the Indian ruling class by surprise.

Even the Chief Minister of Delhi, Sheila Dixit, was forced to join them in order to quell the anger. But these ladies from the ruling class and so-called civil society have nothing to do with the agony of toiling women. There have been many women in leading roles in Indian bourgeois politics but the fate of the poor majority has never changed. From Prime Minister Indira Gandhi to President Partibha Patel and the rise of Mayawati, Jayalalithaa and Mamata Banerjee have failed to deliver anything to the mass of Indian women.

Petty bourgeois feminists are blaming “patriarchal” culture and male psychology for acts like these, and reactionary right wing organisations like the RSS believe that women leaving their homes and western culture are responsible. Of course backwardness and “patriarchal” culture are part of the problem, but the kind of “patriarchal” oppression of women belonging to the ruling or upper classes is qualitatively different from the squalor, poverty and oppression of women belonging to the exploited classes. Further, Indian capitalism has failed miserably to convert the former colony into a modern bourgeois nation state and the questions of national oppression, communal and sectarian conflicts and the provision of basic infrastructure and fundamental necessities have not been solved, nor substantially improved.

The gender issue remains unsolved even in advanced capitalist countries. The idea put forward by the liberals and NGOs that the emancipation of Indian women can be brought about by “legislation” and “measures” is naive at best and fraudulent at worst. Crimes and violence against women should be condemned in the strongest terms and criminals should be punished in a manner befitting their savagery. But laws and repression won’t be able to solve the root causes of the oppression of women.

Many on the left, even some regarding themselves as “Communists”, have also been engaged in endless and meaningless discussions around the legal proceedings against the perpetrators and the need for “changing the mindset” of Indian men. The Communist Party of India (CPI) National Secretary D Raja said “The Prime Minister should own up moral responsibility and assure the younger generation that the government would build legal safeguards to counter the menace.”   Communist Party of India (Marxist)CPI(M) leader and Rajya Sabha (Upper House of Parliament) member T N Seema said that the Union government should declare 2013 as the “Year of Women’s Safety”.

That their failure to address concrete socio-economic conditions is leading to such atrocities and the emphasis on cosmetic measures is hardly a surprise. Their politics have been reduced to liberal bourgeois parliamentary manipulations. They have even abandoned their two-stage theory and reformism, let alone revolutionary socialism. During the 34 years long CPI(M) rule in West Bengal some of the most brutal Neo Liberal economic policies were implemented, and open repression has been used to enforce them, as in the 2007 massacre of farmers in Nandigram who were protesting against the forceful acquisition of their land for the Indonesia based Salim Group which has connections with Suharto’s family. CPI (M) rule ended in early 2011 and according to the National Crime Research Bureau (NCRB), the state has topped the charts for eight successive years for crimes against women.

Marxists of course support the introduction of progressive legislation in favour of women’s rights. But all forms of repression in society are due to its division into classes. The emancipation of women or other oppressed sections of society can only be attained by the establishment of a classless society. Women in India have a key role to play in the revolutionary struggle against capitalism. History shows us that at certain times women have always been far more revolutionary than men. The revolutionary movements in the Arab world have proved this yet again. In societies where traditionally women have been brutally oppressed, they have risen up against tyranny and poverty. However, the road to the liberation of women passes through the class struggle. Freedom from the drudgery of household chores, exploitation, harassment, poverty and violence can only be attained through a socialist revolution.

The Bolshevik revolution of 1917 elevated women from the status of domestic slaves and cheap labour to a dignified, free and productive role in the society. The situation of women in the other countries of the South Asian Subcontinent is not much different to that of Russia in 1917. The plight of women workers in the garment industry in Bangladesh and Pakistan is horrific. Afghanistan and Pakistan are respectively at the top of the UN list of being the worst countries for women where they face fundamentalist bigotry and honour killings in addition to relentless poverty and deprivation.

Conditions are fast deteriorating further under capitalism. This year, NGOs and governments in all of these countries will organise glamorous events on International Women’s Day. But on the same day in Russia in 1917 it was women who along with their class brothers began the fight for the overthrow of the brutal Tsarist regime which ultimately led to the socialist victory in October. Such a revolution in India and the region will not only cut across religious, ethnic, caste and regional prejudices but also gender bias and the oppression of women. A socialist victory will be the first step towards the liberation of women and the whole of mankind.

[…]So far, western governments have showed a lot of support in words, but very few soldiers, tanks or jets have been sent. The US has offered logistical support, but not a long-term commitment. Washington has offered C-17 cargo planes, with a carrying capacity of 140 tons of equipment, and eighty men. The US administration has already burned its fingers many times, from Iraq to Afghanistan and is afraid of what the consequences of a direct intervention in Mali would be at home. It is likely that, for a period, Mali will be a French affair, as far as western imperialism is concerned.

The seizure of hundreds of hostages by a fundamentalist group in the Algerian Sahara is just a taste of what is to come in the future. The Western media are surprised by the ferocity of the terrorists, but their actions are nothing more than the other side of the brutality used by Western troops in daily air strikes that disrupt the cities occupied by the rebels.

The attack is also dragging Algeria into the conflict, although the Algerian ruling class would rather have taken more time to prepare the attack and thus avoid internal instability. However, proving its total subjection to the former colonial power, Algeria promptly allowed French jets to pass through its airspace.

The French intervention, therefore, has aggravated the situation in the region and increased the resentment of the Malian population against the West. Imperialism, in its old age, is like a bull in a china shop: it destroys everything it encounters. The forces of fundamentalism are, above all, benefiting from this situation. This tragedy has its roots in the failure of the European (and African) Left to provide an alternative to the barbarism inflicted by capitalism on the African masses.

The dream that characterised the leadership of Africa that emerged from the colonial revolutions of the 1960s - that of a happy path toward progress - has been revealed to be a nightmare. This was an illusion born from the Stalinist perspective for a long development of capitalist democracy, based on the post-colonial “progressive” bourgeoisie.

There isn’t a single country where this has come true. Through time, all currents within the liberation movement have either been destroyed or become lackeys of imperialism. Today the only alternative to war is a generalised mobilisation and struggle against capitalism and imperialism. This struggle must be linked to the Arab revolutions and the struggles of the working class in the key countries of the continent, such as Nigeria and South Africa, and the placing of a new perspective on the agenda: that of socialism.

The grotesque, remorseless and relentless slaughter of the Shiite Hazaras in Baluchistan is yet another grim episode that lays bare the escalating conflagration in the region, the extreme complexity of the national question and the sectarian strife that is prevalent. This was an act of barbarity that is the outcome of a rotten state and a system that has failed miserably to bring any peace, prosperity or stability to the region. Rather, there is mounting evidence that sections of the state are involved in perpetuating this catastrophe. The Hazaras have been systematically targeted and killed for almost a decade now. None of the perpetrators have been arrested or prosecuted. The complicity of the religious terrorist outfits created by the state to expedite its ever increasing coercion is blatantly clear.

As Pakistani capitalism becomes more and more rotten due to the burgeoning economic and social crisis the state has become more brittle and erratic with its mounting repression and terror. Most of these fanatical outfits were created to execute operations in the interests of sections of the ruling classes and bosses of the state. These non state actors were after all Frankenstein monsters that were formed and fabricated to act in areas which were beyond the writ of the state. These so called illegal monstrosities are carried out by these bigots, who have been recruited, trained and financed by the imperialists, state agencies and regimes like the reactionary Saudi monarchy and who were bred and indoctrinated in religious and sectarian mythology. However, with rapidly changing situations and drastic policy shifts by the imperialists and their henchmen in Pakistan it has become problematic and complicated to keep these rogue elements under control.

Hence, these fanatical organisations have atomised with the elements splitting away becoming even more bestial and frenzied. With the massive amounts of black money generated through the drug trade and other criminal activities this jihad and terrorism have become a very lucrative enterprise. New warlords and drug barons have arisen in this war of attrition started by the imperialists after the Afghan revolution of 1978. Those who split first and foremost attacked the masters that had created them. Not only that, this splintering and these antagonisms also polarised sections of the state who were often confronting each other in the covert operations they carried out where they were using these fanatical organisations in the vested interests of various factions of the civilian and the military elite. These intrinsic conflicts within the state institutions have badly damaged the cohesion and the chain of command of the armed forces.

The other aspect is the mineral wealth and strategic geography of Baluchistan that have become a curse for its inhabitants. International and regional powers have their own imperial designs. Like ravenously hungry vultures they are descending on and tearing apart the body politic of Baluchistan. This has led to imperialist proxy wars where not only the states but the multinational corporations are in conflict to boost their share of the plunder of the region’s resources. On the one hand there is a covert conflict between Chinese vested interests and US imperialism, not only for the resources but also for strategic access to Gwader Port and the Mekran coast. Similarly, there is an increasing clash between the Saudi regime and the Iranian Mullah aristocracy. It is a well known reality that some of those Wahabi and Deobandi organisations, the splinter groups of which are being accused of the incessant genocide of the Shiite Hazaras, were originally created, sponsored and nurtured by the Saudi intelligence agency. The main ploy of the Saudi and the Iranian fundamentalist regimes in this great game is to conduct these proxy wars on a sectarian basis to fabricate external hostility and strive for regional hegemony.

The oppressed people of Baluchistan, especially the Hazaras, are being slaughtered on a religious basis but the Baluch masses have suffered national repression and class exploitation for more than six decades. Baluchistan is geographically the largest and in terms of resources the richest province of Pakistan. Yet its people are suffering from poverty and misery of the greatest order. 92 percent of its districts have been classified as ‘high deprivation’ areas. The main state of pre partition Baluchistan, Kalat, was inducted into Pakistan through palatial intrigue and brute military force. Hence, throughout the history of the country there has been resistance against the national oppression carried out by the Pakistani state.

Baluch youth and political activists have been involved in several armed struggles against the repression of the state. It is the longest lasting insurgency in Pakistan and the resistance has refused to die down. The struggle in the 1970s was brutally crushed by the army with the support of the closest collaborator of US imperialism, the Shah of Iran, who was restored to this peacock throne by imperialism in the 1950s after an illegal putsch against the popular left nationalist leader Mossadeq. More than 5000 Baluch perished in this liberation struggle. In the current conflict more than 8000 Baluch political activists and youth have been abducted by the ‘agencies’ according to the Baluch nationalists. If the Baluch cannot win independence, the military cannot defeat them either.

But the irony of the struggle is that not only does the Pakistani state try to buy off some of the leaders in mainstream politics, but the various imperialist intruders also try to penetrate the resistance and use it for their vested interests. In 1978 one of the legendary leaders of the resistance, Sher Mohammad Marri, told a visiting group of revolutionary students, “We are fighting for an independent socialist Baluchistan. Our aim is to use it to spread revolutionary socialism throughout the region.” This statement sheds some light on the ideological basis and character of the national liberation struggle of the 1970s. Today, the struggle against state oppression is being ripped apart by conflicts on the basis of religious sectarianism and other prejudices. The strategists of the state have to have a plan to aggravate such conflicts to break the resistance.

Imperialists have never been friends of the toiling masses of oppressed nationalities and this is particularly true in the case of Baluchistan. The right of self determination, including secession, is a fundamental right of the oppressed masses of Baluchistan. No one can or should force them to live in a state which the majority of the Baluch masses do not want to be inhabitants of.  But to defeat the capitalist state of oppression the movement needs to unite all those sections that are being exploited and repressed by it. This necessitates the linking of the struggle for national liberation to the class struggle. This will create a formidable force to overthrow this system of class exploitation and national oppression.  Lenin expounded the relationship between the national and the class struggle. He wrote in 1920, “The right of self-determination is, of course, a democratic and not a socialist principle. But genuinely democratic principles are supported and realised in our era only by the revolutionary proletariat; it is for this very reason that they interface with socialist tasks.

 Hi Comrades & friends,

The next NYC Workers International League Branch will be held 1/10/13  at  6:30pm  at the Atrium at 60 Wall St. Please look for us at a table.

This weeks discussion will be on The Partition of India. The partition of British India, amid a revolutionary situation in which workers and sailors were leading a revolt, was one of the most brutal crimes of imperialism. Million perished and millions more were stranded as refugees. The damage of partition can still be felt today, with conflict between Pakistan and India and the fate of over a billion workers in peril. We will discuss the proletarian Internationalist perspective and the IMT’s call for a socialist federation of South Asia as a component of a world socialist federation. 

Proposed Agenda: 

0. News and Updates

1. Minutes from previous meeting.

2. Lead-off: The Partition of India

3. Press: paper sales & Interventions. 

4. Finances. 

5. Contacts.

6. Work in the Working Class 

     a.CMPL 

     b.Union Work 

7. Next branch 

8. AOB 

Please pass on this invitation to anyone that might be interested.

Email kk.marxist@gmail.com or call 646-671-7044 to RSVP

Classes are characterized by their position in the social system of economy, and primarily by their relation to the means of production. In civilized societies, property relations are validated by laws. The nationalization of the land, the means of industrial production, transport and exchange, together with the monopoly of foreign trade, constitute the basis of the Soviet social structure. Through these relations, established by the proletarian revolution, the nature of the Soviet Union as a proletarian state is for us basically defined.

In its intermediary and regulating function, its concern to maintain social ranks, and its exploitation of the state apparatus for personal goals, the Soviet bureaucracy is similar to every other bureaucracy, especially the fascist. But it is also in a vast way different. In no other regime has a bureaucracy ever achieved such a degree of independence from the dominating class. In bourgeois society, the bureaucracy represents the interests of a possessing and educated class, which has at its disposal innumerable means of everyday control over its administration of affairs. The Soviet bureaucracy has risen above a class which is hardly emerging from destitution and darkness, and has no tradition of dominion or command. Whereas the fascists, when they find themselves in power, are united with the big bourgeoisie by bonds of common interest, friendship, marriage, etc., the Soviet bureaucracy takes on bourgeois customs without having beside it a national bourgeoisie. In this sense we cannot deny that it is something more than a bureaucracy. It is in the full sense of the word the sole privileged and commanding stratum in the Soviet society.

Another difference is no less important. The Soviet bureaucracy has expropriated the proletariat politically in order by methods of its own to defend the social conquests. But the very fact of its appropriation of political power in a country where the principal means of production are in the hands of the state, creates a new and hitherto unknown relation between the bureaucracy and the riches of the nation. The means of production belong to the state. But the state, so to speak, “belongs” to the bureaucracy. If these as yet wholly new relations should solidify, become the norm and be legalized, whether with or without resistance from the workers, they would, in the long run, lead to a complete liquidation of the social conquests of the proletarian revolution. But to speak of that now is at least premature. The proletariat has not yet said its last word. The bureaucracy has not yet created social supports for its dominion in the form of special types of property. It is compelled to defend state property as the source of its power and its income. In this aspect of its activity it still remains a weapon of proletarian dictatorship.

The attempt to represent the Soviet bureaucracy as a class of “state capitalists” will obviously not withstand criticism. The bureaucracy has neither stocks nor bonds. It is recruited, supplemented and renewed in the manner of an administrative hierarchy, independently of any special property relations of its own. The individual bureaucrat cannot transmit to his heirs his rights in the exploitation of the state apparatus. The bureaucracy enjoys its privileges under the form of an abuse of power It conceals its income; it pretends that as a special social group it does not even exist. Its appropriation of a vast share of the national income has the character of social parasitism. All this makes the position of the commanding Soviet stratum in the highest degree contradictory, equivocal and undignified, notwithstanding the completeness of its power and the smoke screen of flattery that conceals it.

Bourgeois society has in the course of its history displaced many political regimes and bureaucratic castes, without changing its social foundations. It has preserved itself against the restoration of feudal and guild relations by the superiority of its productive methods. The state power has been able either to co-operate with capitalist development, or put brakes on it. But in general the productive forces, upon a basis of private property and competition, have been working out their own destiny. In contrast to this, the property relations which issued from the socialist revolution are indivisibly bound up with the new state as their repository. The predominance of socialist over petty bourgeois tendencies is guaranteed, not by the automatism of the economy – we are still far from that – but by political measures taken by the dictatorship. The character of the economy as a whole thus depends upon the character of the state power.

A collapse of the Soviet regime would lead inevitably to the collapse of the planned economy, and thus to the abolition of state property. The bond of compulsion between the trusts and the factories within them would fall away. The more successful enterprises would succeed in coming out on the road of independence. They might convert or they might find some themselves into stock companies, other transitional form of property – one, for example, in which the workers should participate in the profits. The collective farms would disintegrate at the same time, and far more easily. The fall of the present bureaucratic dictatorship, if it were not replaced by a new socialist power, would thus mean a return to capitalist relations with a catastrophic decline of industry and culture.

But if a socialist government is still absolutely necessary for the preservation and development of the planned economy, the question is all the more important, upon whom the present Soviet government relies, and in what measure the socialist character of its policy is guaranteed. At the 11th Party Congress in March 1922, Lenin, in practically bidding farewell to the party, addressed these words to the commanding group: “History knows transformations of all sorts. To rely upon conviction, devotion and other excellent spiritual qualities – that is not to be taken seriously in politics.” Being determines consciousness. During the last fifteen years, the government has changed its social composition even more deeply than its ideas. Since of all the strata of Soviet society the bureaucracy has best solved its own social problem, and is fully content with the existing situation, it has ceased to offer any subjective guarantee whatever of the socialist direction of its policy. It continues to preserve state property only to the extent that it fears the proletariat. This saving fear is nourished and supported by the illegal party of Bolshevik-Leninists, which is the most conscious expression of the socialist tendencies opposing that bourgeois reaction with which the Thermidorian bureaucracy is completely saturated. As a conscious political force the bureaucracy has betrayed the revolution. But a victorious revolution is fortunately not only a program and a banner, not only political institutions, but also a system of social relations. To betray it is not enough. You have to overthrow it. The October revolution has been betrayed by the ruling stratum, but not yet overthrown. It has a great power of resistance, coinciding with the established property relations, with the living force of the proletariat, the consciousness of its best elements, the impasse of world capitalism, and the inevitability of world revolution.

Mining in South Africa has been the main driving force behind the history and development of Africa’s most advanced and richest economy. Let me just highlight the wealth of vast resources concentrated in this country. We have 41% of the world’s gold, 45% of the vanadium, 73% of the chrome, close to 80% of the manganese and close to 90% of the platinum.

Our mines are worth 18 trillion Rands, and they have an approximately average life span of 100 years and an estimated job creation potential of 500,000 (in the mining industry alone). We are the second largest producer of gold, the world’s largest producer of chrome, manganese, platinum, vanadium and vermiculite, the second largest producer of ilmenite, palladium, rutile and zirconium, and also the world’s third largest coal exporter.

The working people of South Africa suffer in poverty in the midst of such potential wealth because it is in the hands of a small number of private owners, the capitalists. What we need to do is remove the power of the oligarchy and take full control of the commanding heights of our economy. Nationalization of this wealth is the first step towards solving this major contradiction, but it should also be complemented with the introduction of workers’ control local to national level. That is what the NUM and ANC leaders should be calling for!

Tito Mzamo, South Africa: Marikana the struggle continues, via In Defense of Marxism

yfis:

We begin a series of interviews with revolutionaries from around the world. Today we’re publishing an interview with Comrade Riaz Lund, Chairman of the Pakistan Trade Union Defence Campaign (PTUDC).

Stalin knew that having betrayed the Revolution, he needed to eliminate those who defended and embodied the ideas of Bolshevism and world revolution. First and foremost this fell to Leon Trotsky, who had been driven into exile some eleven years earlier. All the resources of the Russian state were now set in motion to carry out his assassination. Before long, Stalin had murdered several of Trotsky’s co-workers, seven of his secretaries, and four of his children – the latest being his son Leon Sedov in early 1938.

Rob Sewell, Leon Trotsky: the man and his ideas

Today marks the anniversary of Leon Trotsky’s assassination. Struck down 72 years ago by an ice-pick to the head from a cowardly Stalinist assassin, he soon fell into a coma and died the following day, 21st August 1940.

spittingonhegel:

ATTN socialists in the NYC/metro area, this Saturday at 12:30pm at 60 Wall St., we’ll (the WIL) be doing a lead off on dialectical materialism. We’ll cover how Das Kapital is not only a book, but also a weapon with which you can beat reactionaries over the head, a door stopper, and even toilet paper too(!) because use-values are always so radically heterogeneous. #DIALECTICAL MATERIALISM

KK is leading off and I’m chairing so it’ll be fun.

email us to RSVP.

(via spittingonhegel-deactivated2012)